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The way to solve the ‘Kashmir problem’


Army jawans returning from an encounter site in Adigam village of south Kashmir’s Kulgam district.
| Photo Credit: IMRAN NISSAR

The enthusiastic electoral participation of the people of J&K has proved that they envisage democracy as the ultimate mode of getting involved in the political processes. This explicit endorsement of democratic politics is not merely about electing a new Assembly; instead, democratic federalism is seen as a politically viable approach to resolve what is popularly known as the ‘Kashmir problem’. The Lokniti-CSDS survey underlines four empirical manifestations of this popular view.

Statehood and autonomy

First, there is a strong claim that J&K must be conferred statehood. This is not an entirely new contention. In fact, political parties, including the ruling BJP, have been sympathetic to this call. The demand for statehood, however, is also seen as a long-term way of solving the question (Table 1). An overwhelming majority (73%) of the respondents argued that restoration of statehood might open new possibilities for dialogue and deliberation.

A sizeable share of respondents (59%) claimed that granting greater autonomy to J&K will contribute significantly in restoring confidence among the people. It is difficult to ascertain the meaning of the term ‘greater autonomy’ based only on the survey data. Nevertheless, it is clear that the majority of respondents recognise statehood in the established framework of constitutional federalism, which ensures division of powers between the States and the Centre. That might be the reason why only one of every 10 respondents fully agreed with the statement that giving more power to the Lieutenant Governor will help in resolving the political problems of the region.

Second, the people strongly confirmed the official position that Kashmir is an integral part of India’s political landscape. The demands for statehood and greater autonomy are made in relation to the legally permissible framework offered by the Constitution. That is why improving relations with Pakistan is not seen as a crucial precondition to solve the political stalemate in Kashmir. Around one-fifths of the respondents claimed that improved bilateral relations with Pakistan could create a conducive environment.

Third, there is a clear condemnation of all forms of separatism. Only 11% of the voters agreed fully that there was a need to build better relations with the separatists; 23% fully disagreed. This rejection of separatist politics is understandable: the common people do not want to be politically alienated. In fact, only 16% of the respondents fully agreed with the view that the Army must be directed to adopt an even tougher stand.

Differences

Finally, the respondents were divided on the success of the Modi government in solving the Kashmir issue (Table 2). Around two of every 10 (22%) respondents said that the Modi government has been more proactive and successful in a comparative frame. The region-wise analysis further complicates this popular assessment. The Jammu region favoured the initiatives taken by this government, while a high share of respondents in the Kashmir region remained apprehensive about it. This underlines the fact that the people expect the political class to resolve the Kashmir issue through political dialogue and democratic deliberations.

Hilal Ahmed is Associate Professor at CSDS



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